At the international framework, it is possible to find quite a lot of studies on the prevalence of antisocial behaviors in adolescence, although these study documents reveal different realities, between them, in terms of frequency, versatility, specialization, age and of onset and completion of the conduct. At the end of the yeas 1990s, Capeverdeans have faced a higher level of violence and small crimes that are considered to be excessive, such evidences which indicate that those young people suffering from violence have a strong acquaintances with the social vulnerability in which they are place in causing, by this way, to him or her some difficult in accessing the structures of opportunities available in the fields of education, employment and health. The present study takes as fact to characterizing the socioeconomic situations and the delinquent behaviors as evidenced by young capeverdeans, to analyze their variability according to the sociodemographic characteristics and drawing attention to the government entities for the specific needs of young people in situations of economic precariousness and, consequently, victims of violence. For this purpose, it was necessary to bring up data from the second collection phase of the International Self-Report Delinquency Study (ISRD-3) by using the online questionnaire survey and the technique, in a classroom context, to which have participated a total of 2,166 students of both sexes, aged between 11 and 16, attending public and private secondary education in Cape Verde, with an age range of 13.8 (SD = 1.3; 11; Max = 16). After analyzing the data, we intend to question on the dimensions of the acts and the way they are perceived by the respondents, with the purpose of reflecting and proposing intervention measures in other dimensions aiming the construction of public policies for the Cape Verdean youth.

Keywords: youth, violence, vulnerability, cultural partner, intervention.

Since the early 2000s, 22 states across the United States have passed the Dream Act that makes undocumented college students eligible for tuition subsidy in the form of in-state tuition. Educational benefits of this policy have been well-documented in prior studies, but whether this policy has impacted the health and mental health of the undocumented and their family members, who may be legal US residents, is unknown. This study bridges this knowledge gap by exploiting the temporal and geographical variation in the state-Dream Acts to examine effects of the Dream Act on health and mental health outcomes of Mexican noncitizen youth as well as their family members. Immigration is a stressful undertaking with negative psychosocial impacts. It is associated with increased stress, fear, and uncertainty. For families with undocumented members, the negative health effects of migration are more intense and complicated. Repeated exposure to prejudice, discrimination, and exploitation, on account of their immigration status, and concerns about disclosure and deportation, of oneself or a family member, are likely to leave a negative impact on the health, physical as well as mental, of the undocumented. Policies that aim to ease immigrant integration and provide hope for a brighter future in the US, such as the Dream Act, are likely to reduce migration related fears and stresses and create an environment for less discrimination and exploitation.

This study uses restricted-use National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data for 1998-2012 and links the state policy variables to the individual-level data. This study focuses on non-citizen Mexican young adult immigrants aged 18-28 because they have a much greater likelihood of being undocumented. This study examines two areas of health outcomes: self-rated health and mental health (sad, hopelessness, restless, nervous, etc.). Ordinary least square regression models were used and state and year fixed effects were controlled for.

Results show that allowing in-state tuition to the undocumented is associated with a one-percentage point (30%) reduction in proportion of non-citizen Mexican young adults reporting poor or fair health. Further, estimates show that an explicit ban on in-state tuition is associated with a 0.18-0.27 standard deviation deterioration in the mental health score of non-citizen Mexican young adults, and there is some evidence that tuition subsidy improved their mental health score. These findings suggest that immigrant integration policies lower the negative health effects associated with immigration and acculturation.

Social Justice and Reservation Policy in India – An Analysis of the Emerging Conflicts among Social Groups for Public Resources

Introduction:         

The traditional India was a highly stratified and hierarchical structured social system, which was formed on the  basis of caste[1]. In the process of colonial modernisation with the penetration of western education and ideas, there was a social upsurge from the lowest social order of the society for human dignity and self-respect during the 19th century. The legacy of 19th century social resistance had become rich social capital for the incorporation of ‘Right to Equality’, ‘Social Justice’, ‘fraternity’ etc. in the Constitution of India, which came into existence on 26th January 1950.

The makers of Indian Constitution such as BR Ambedkar raised the issue of caste centric annihilation and need for Constitutional status to the policy that needs to be introduced in the form of reservations/affirmative action/positive discrimination for the amelioration of the historical marginalized, indigenous and socially and educationally backward classes[2].

While following the Constitutional provisions, the post-independent Indian state introduced 22.5% reservations in public sector employment, education and political representation for the historically marginalized and indigenous social groups in proportion to their population right from the commencement of Indian Constitution.

The state also extended 27% reservations in 1992 in the public sector for the artisan, service and nomadic communities, which constitutes about 52% of the population in India. In implementation of the 27% reservation policy, there are certain hurdles such as Creamy-layer, lack of awareness to the beneficiaries and difficulties in obtaining caste certificate from the government, therefore,  hardly 14% of reservations have been implemented in the public sector.

Meanwhile, the dominant social groups[3] such as Jats in Haryana, Marathas in Maharashtra, Patels in Gujarat, and Kapus in Andhra Pradesh have been demanding for the status of socially and educationally backward classes, so that they will become part of 27% reservation policy. These are the four federal units of Indian state, which have been benefiting a lot from the Industrial policy and Green Revolution in agricultural production. Under this background, the paper is proposed with the following research questions.

Research Question:

-         Whether the Post-independent model of social justice and reservation policy is contributing for the social cohesion or conflicts among social groups?

Objectives:

1.     To examine the nature and character of the notion of social justice and reservation policy in post-independent India

2.     To assess the performance of reservation policy in post-independent India

3.     To critical analyse the reasons for the demand of dominant castes to provide backward classes status and

4.     To suggest Policy initiatives to overcome the emerging social conflicts in the country

Methodology:

In drafting of the paper, both primary and secondary sources of Quantitative and qualitative data will be used. As for as primary data is concern, Lokniti-The Centre for Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) data will be used.

Structure of the paper:

- Introduction

- Notion of Social Justice and Reservation Policy

- Socio-economic profile of the beneficiaries of the reservation policy

- Socio-economic factors for the rise of Dominant caste demand for reservations

- Conclusion and suggestions

[1] Caste is a informal social institution of kin relationship and those who have practiced similar occupation assigned on the basis of birth in a caste 
[2] See for details, Galantar. Marc, competing equalities
[3] According to MN Srinivas, prominent sociologist, dominant caste is the one which is having control over the land, finance capital, accessibility to the political power and administration.

The perspective of social investment became more attractive during the latest economic crisis, in the context of ageing society. Social investment is related to the role of public spending and benefits for a society. The aim of this research is to evaluate Baltic social security systems from the social investment perspective during life course.  The research is based on the analysis of theoretical discourse on social investment. As defined by Nolan (2013) social investment is directed towards active rather than passive policies. According to Vandenbroucke and Vleminckx (2011) investment and protection strategies constitute indispensable twin pillars of the new welfare state. In his discussion about the analytical framework of social investment Nolan (2013) emphasized that it is not easy to separate spending and investments. According to Pintelon et al. (2013) the new welfare state puts more emphasis on reciprocity of rights and duties. The individual responsibility is in determining the role of social policy. On the other hand social investment paradigm accentuates equal opportunities and upward social mobility. The synergy between social and economic policies was emphasized by Peng (2014) as the basis for the  more skilled and productive workforce, and thus positive economic growth. Vo, Christie and Rohanna (2016) defined that evaluation of the financial impact of social investment is promoting social change.

Social policy measures during the life cycle are treated as social investments (Kvist 2014) in this research. These measures generate returns during the period of benefit receipt. According to Kvist (2014) social investment can reduce socioeconomic cost when person is facing social risk. Previous research suggests, that the vertical  redistribution within the social security systems is about a third lower than it is traditionally estimated (pvz. Bartels 2011 (Germany), Brewer et al. 2012 (UK), Nellissen 1998 (Netherland), Harding 1993 (Australia)).

The methodology of this research is based on the Olivia framework, which allows analyzing social policy means from a life-course perspective (Hicks 2007; 2008). In this research we adopted three life course trajectories: family formation, formal learning and employment. Family formation trajectory: living with parents, living alone or with children, living in a couple, birth of a child, living in institutions. The formal learning trajectory: preschool, full time school, college, active labour market programme, vacational training. Employment trajectory: part-time employment, full-time employment, unemployment, retirement.

Social investments were measured by the social policy means, which were evaluated using an administrative data from MISSOC, ISSA, EC and other databases. The outcomes of social investment were measured by using secondary analysis of Eurostat, OECD, World Bank data, etc. The outcomes at the macro level were evaluated as public spending on the old and new welfare state policies as it was defined by Vandenbroucke and Vleminckx (2011). The outcomes at the micro level were evaluated as group level indicators of poverty and income inequality. The data are presented in a comparative perspective among the other EU countries.

Ethnic and religious divide in France and Europe. Effects of students’ diversity at School.

Social integration processes were devised of by historic European sociologists (such as Emile Durkheim) as the mechanisms through which a society holds together, populations are made into a community. A group identification can be a factor for strengthening a sense of belonging, but also a sense of separation from other social groups. In the context of a religious revival especially for minority religions in Europe, this question has a new salience since it is among the most secular regions or the world, and in particular for continental European nations which have emphasized ethnic (and linguistic) homogeneity. Religious and ethnic divides have become acknowledged publicly by political leaders and it has become a critical political stake.

Based on a comparative and representative surveys of adolescents, the segregation effects at junior high school level will be scrutinized. The UPYC project (Understanding and Preventing Youth Crime) is a consortium of researchers, and the original data produced allows to tackle the issue of cohesion by taking into account individual level variables (ethnic group, religious belonging, and others) and structural ones (the level of diversity at school). A traditional mission that is assigned to schools is to create a common feeling of citizenship. However, in cities/countries where the ethnic and religious division is strong at school, couldn’t it be the case the school cannot have such an integrative function into larger society?

The presentation will focus on how the combination of the two types of variables (individual and school level ones) explains how adolescents feel about school (level of adherence to school community, trust in school) and also their perception of being part of a nation, assessing the authorities as legitimate, rejection of other social groups. I will offer international comparison on school composition among selected EU countries, and tentative explanations in relation to national policies regarding social mixing.