LIST OF PANELS

Feminist social scientists have been grappling with the question of whether particular forms of state architecture (federal vs. unitary; centralized women’s policy agencies [WPA] or not) produce better policy results for women in different policy areas.  This question has been taken up by various feminist political scientists and policy analysts, including McEwen and Moreno (2005); Chappell (2002); McBride and Mazur (2010); Krook and Mackay (2011); Haussman, Sawer and Vickers (2010); Lombardo, Meier and Verloo (2009); Roth (2008); Outshoorn and Kantola (2007); Van der Vleuten (2007), Freidenvall (2019) and MacRae and Weiner (2017). For example, many studies theorize  that a strong WPA network, closely tied to the  central government, achieved gender equality objectives. Some, such as Collier (2010) and Grace (2018) have shown that in federal states, regional governments enact and implement good policies in policy areas such as child care and employment equity..  Most studies also theorize that a leftist government is necessary but not sufficient for good outcomes for diverse groups of women. But more recent research suggests that there are different kinds of leftist governments and that which kind is in power matters.

The papers in this  panel will explore what we know about  relations between  state architecture including age and type of federation, level and  type of goverment in relation to policy outcomes that to benefit women of majority populations or of diverse minorities.

Research questions for "How Much does State Architecture Matter for Feminist Policy Outputs?"

The papers in this panel will explore what we know about relations between state architecture including age and type of federation, level and type of goverment in relation to policy outcomes that to benefit women of majority populations or of diverse minorities.

In addition to the research questions, papers submitted to this panel are expected to engage with one of the following hypotheses:

1. What are the benefits of unitary states or federations for majority and diverse, minority women?

2. Does government party matter in such states? If so, how?

3. What are drawbacks are posed by federal states which often have governments from different parties elected at different levels. E.g. are “institutional vetoes”a problem?

4. What impact does “legal pluralism” have on organized women’s efforts to achieve positive policy outcomes and does the impact vary across policy areas?

5. Do WPAs help organized women persuade  unfriendly governments in states with different architectures?